List of top Verbal Reasoning Questions on Reading Comprehension

Should we really care for the greatest actors of the past could we have them before us? Should we find them too different from our accent of thought, of feeling, of speech, in a thousand minute particulars which are of the essence of all three? Dr. Doran's long and interesting records of the triumphs of Garrick, and other less familiar, but in their day hardly less astonishing, players, do not relieve one of the doubt. Garrick himself, as sometimes happens with people who have been the subject of much anecdote and other conversation, here as elsewhere, bears no very distinct figure. One hardly sees the wood for the trees. On the other hand, the account of Betterton, "perhaps the greatest of English actors," is delightfully fresh. That intimate friend of Dryden, Tillatson, Pope, who executed a copy of the actor's portrait by Kneller which is still extant, was worthy of their friendship; his career brings out the best elements in stage life. The stage in these volumes presents itself indeed not merely as a mirror of life, but as an illustration of the utmost intensity of life, in the fortunes and characters of the players. Ups and downs, generosity, dark fates, the most delicate goodness, have nowhere been more prominent than in the private existence of those devoted to the public mimicry of men and women. Contact with the stage, almost throughout its history, presents itself as a kind of touchstone, to bring out the bizarrerie, the theatrical tricks and contrasts, of the actual world.
Called by some the “island that time forgot,” Madagascar is home to a vast array of unique, exotic creatures. One such animal is the aye-aye. First described by western science in 1782, it was initially categorized as a member of the order Rodentia. Further research then revealed that it was more closely related to the lemur, a member of the primate order. Since the aye-aye is so different from its fellow primates, however, it was given its own family: Daubentoniidae. The aye-aye has been listed as an endangered species and, as a result, the government of Madagascar has designated an island off the northeastern coast of Madagascar as a protected reserve for aye-ayes and other wildlife.
Long before Western science became enthralled with this nocturnal denizen of Madagascar’s jungles, the aye-aye had its own reputation with the local people. The aye aye is perhaps best known for its large, round eyes and long, extremely thin middle finger. These adaptations are quite sensible, allowing the aye-aye to see well at night and retrieve grubs, which are one of its primary food sources, from deep within hollow branches. However, the aye-aye’s striking appearance may end up causing its extinction. The people of Madagascar believe that the aye-aye is a type of spirit animal, and that its appearance is an omen of death. Whenever one is sighted, it is immediately killed. When combined with the loss of large swaths of jungle habitat, this practice may result in the loss of a superb .
In the 1970s, two debates engaged many scholars of early United States history. One focused on the status of women, primarily White women. Turning on the so-called golden age theory, which posited that during the eighteenth-century colonial era, American women enjoyed a brief period of high status relative to their English contemporaries and to nineteenth-century American women, this debate pitted scholars who believed women’s lives deteriorated after 1800 against those who thought women’s lives had been no better before 1800. At issue were the causes of women’s subordination: were these causes already in place when the English first settled North America or did they emerge with the rise of nineteenth-century industrial capitalism?

The second debate, the so-called origins debate, concerned the emergence of racial slavery in the southern colonies: was slavery the inevitable result of the deep-rooted racial prejudice of early British colonists or did racial prejudice arise only after these planters instituted slave labor?

Although these debates are parallel in some respects, key differences distinguished them. Whereas the debate over women’s status revolved around implicit comparisons of colonial women to their counterparts in the antebellum period (1800--1860), thus inviting comment from scholars of both historical periods, the origins debate was primarily confined to a discussion about slavery in colonial America. Second, in contrast to the newness of the debate over women’s status and its continued currency throughout the early 1980s, the debate over race and slavery, begun in the 1950s, had lost some of its urgency with the publication of Morgan’s American Slavery, American Freedom (1975), widely regarded as the last word on the subject.

Each debate also assumed a different relationship to the groups whose histories it concerned. In its heyday, the origins debate focused mainly on White attitudes toward Africans rather than on Africans themselves. With few exceptions, such as Wood’s Black Majority (1974) and Mullin’s Flight and Rebellion (1972), which were centrally concerned with enslaved African men, most works pertaining to the origins debate focused on the White architects, mostly male, of racial slavery. In contrast, although women’s historians were interested in the institutions and ideologies contributing to women’s subordination, they were equally concerned with documenting women’s experiences. As in the origins debate, however, early scholarship on colonial women defined its historical constituency narrowly, women’s historians focusing mainly on affluent White women.

Over time, however, some initial differences between the approaches taken by scholars in the two fields faded. In the 1980s, historians of race and slavery in colonial America shifted their attention to enslaved people; interest in African American culture grew, thereby bringing enslaved women more prominently into view. Historians of early American women moved in similar directions during the decade and began to consider the effect of racial difference on women’s experience.
This passage was written in 1984.
It is now possible to hear a recording of Caruso’s singing that is far superior to any made during his lifetime. A decades-old wax-cylinder recording of this great operatic tenor has been digitized, and the digitized signal has been processed by computer to remove the extraneous sound, or ”noise,” introduced by the now ”ancient” wax-cylinder recording process. Although this digital technique needs improvement, it represents a new and superior way of recording and processing sound which overcomes many of the limitations of analog recording. In analog recording systems, the original sound is represented as a continuous waveform created by variations in the sound’s amplitude over time. When analog playback systems reproduce this waveform, however, they invariably introduce distortions. First, the waveform produced during playback differs somewhat from the original waveform. Second, the medium that stores the analog recording creates noise during playback which gets added to the recorded sounds. ... as long as the numbers remain recognizable, the original waveform will be reconstructed with little loss in quality. However, because the waveform is continuous, while its digital representation is composed of discrete numbers, it is impossible for digital systems to avoid some distortion. One kind of distortion, called ”sampling error,” occurs if the sound is sampled (i.e., its amplitude is measured) too infrequently, so that the amplitude changes more than one quantum (the smallest change in amplitude measured by the digital system) between samplings. In effect, the sound is changing too quickly for the system to record it accurately. A second form of distortion is ”quantizing error,” which arises when the amplitude being measured is not a whole number of quanta, forcing the digital recorder to round off. Over the long term, these errors are random, and the noise produced (a background buzzing) is similar to analog noise except that it only occurs when recorded sounds are being reproduced.
Although the hormone adrenaline is known to regulate memory storage, its effects on retrieval are debated. Adrenaline’s modulation of retrieval is difficult to interpret because retrieval pro- tocols usually involve new learning, which is known to be affected by adrenaline. Say, for example, that researchers test the effect of adrenaline on participants’ ability to remember a story. If participants are injected with adrenaline before being asked to recall the story, the adrenaline might enhance or impair their recall performance not by affecting retrieval directly, but rather by affecting their ability to learn the information presented in the retrieval protocol (i.e., the researcher’s questions). To evaluate the hormone’s effect on retrieval without the confounding effects of new learning, McGaugh and colleagues tested the effects of adrenaline on memory for intentionally forgotten information. Research has shown that when participants are asked to memorize two lists (list 1 and list 2) and are then instructed to forget list 1, they exhibit poorer recall of list 1 than do participants who are not instructed to forget it-a phenomenon known as intentional forgetting. This phenomenon is attributed to retrieval inhi- bition, a mechanism that makes the unwanted information less likely to be retrieved, whether intentionally or unintentionally. McGaugh and colleagues reasoned that if adrenaline enhances retrieval, it should reduce intentional forgetting. They hypothesized that participants given adrenaline after being instructed to forget list 1 would recall more words from that list than participants given a placebo. After participants memorized list 1, they were told to forget it and memorize list 2. Immediately afterwards, they received an injection of either adrenaline or a placebo and then completed a distractor task. Finally, they were asked to recall as many words as possible from list 1. Adrenaline-treated participants did indeed recall significantly more words from list 1 than placebo-treated participants, suggesting that adrenaline enhances the retrieval of intentionally forgotten memories.
Archaeological discoveries of Pacific Islander settlements on the historically uninhabited islands of the Gal´apagos Archipelago have led researchers to speculate about the nature and extent of pre-Columbian travel in the Pacific. When Thor Heyerdahl wrongly claimed that the Gal´apagos had been colonized by South Americans before the arrival of the Spanish, he revived the more general question of the technical feasibility and extent of pre-Columbian transoceanic travel. Could Pacific Islanders have traveled to the Gal´apagos, which lie 600 miles off the coast of South America? Could they, furthermore, have traveled between the Gal´apagos and South America? One factor against such travel is the wind pattern in this region of the Pacific. Because the prevailing winds generally blow from the east, Gal´apagos-bound vessels sailing from the Pacific Islands would have had to beat windward. Only the most sophisticated vessels with triangular sails are capable of this, and there is no evidence of such sails in the Pacific Islands during the period in question. A second, related point is that the winds would have consistently blown Gal´apagos-bound vessels from South America off course. A third point is the lack of archaeological evidence that Pacific Islanders reached South America. While the sweet potato, a crop of South American origin, was grown in the Pacific Islands in pre-Columbian times, the evidence suggests that it arrived via drifting plant matter rather than human transport.
What causes a helix in nature to appear with either a dextral (”right-handed,” or clockwise) twist or a sinistral (”left-handed,” or counterclockwise) twist is one of the most intriguing ques- tions in the science of form. Most scientists have maintained that the preferential handedness of objects such as DNA molecules, protein amino acids, and the shells of snails is due to chance. For example, Jacques Monod, winner of the Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine, attributed the twist (or ”chirality”) in molecules to the chance selection between two structurally equal molecules, one dextral and one sinistral. He proposed that the choice of twist occurred when the first molecule was formed and that this initial choice set the precedent for all subsequent molecules of that type. However, a new theory challenges the notion that chance is responsible for the predominance of one type of twist. According to this theory, the chirality found in molecules, crystals, and shells has its origins in the fundamental chirality of elementary par- ticles of matter. This theory holds that the universe is fundamentally asymmetric, or chiral, in that the weak force, one of the four fundamental forces of nature, has a handedness of its own. The effects of this force are normally observable only at the subatomic level, but they can be amplified in molecules, crystals, and shells. While the connection between the chirality of elementary particles and that of macroscopic structures, such as snail shells, is not yet fully understood, the new theory provides a potential explanation for the prevalence of specific twists in nature.
Although economic analysis of collective bargaining has traditionally focused on wages, recent studies have increasingly focused on the effects of unionization on fringe benefits such as pen- sions and health insurance. Because the costs of providing fringe benefits are tax deductible for employers, fringe benefits are effectively subsidized by the government. This tax treatment creates an incentive for employers to increase the proportion of employee compensation that is paid in the form of fringe benefits. However, not all workers value fringe benefits equally. Since the value that workers place on fringe benefits is likely to rise with their income (because the tax savings associated with fringe benefits increase with income), higher-income workers are likely to prefer a greater proportion of their compensation in the form of fringe benefits than are lower-income workers. Unions, which typically represent lower-income workers, should therefore be expected to oppose the substitution of fringe benefits for wages. However, unions often support such substitutions. One explanation for this puzzling behavior is that unions take into account the preferences not just of current members but also of potential members, who are typically younger and higher-income than current members. Another explanation is that unions are willing to accept lower wages in exchange for fringe benefits because fringe benefits help to retain workers and reduce labor turnover, thereby increasing the union’s bargaining power.